1932 Yann Fouéré during Military Service in Compiègne, centre in profile.

Discharged from the army a few years before the conflict and safe in the knowledge that he is not liable to be recalled, Yann Fouéré takes advantage of his presence at the Ministry of the Interior to help the Basque nationalists in exile who had been pursued by pro-Franco troops south of the Pyrenees. Thus he becomes the official representative of the Ligue des Amis des Basques, making every effort to ease the life of the exiles on French soil. In particular, he enables the president in exile,Aguirre, to cross borders by obtaining passes for him

During the ensuing chaos of the German invasion in May-June 1940, Fouéré, a civil servant, has to follow the government, which eventually leads the newly-weds to Pau, a small town at the foot of the French Pyrenees. By the middle of August, impatient of the inactivity within a phantom ministry and pulled to attend the developments in Brittany, he is unable to carry on in Pau. He decides to leave Pau and return with his wife to Brittany.They settle in Rennes where he reunites with most of the personalities of Emsav who have already formed the coordinating bodies of the Breton nationalists: the Breton National Council and a secret grand council called the Kuzul Meur.

In that spring of 1940, there is much political activity In Brittany, but the German authorities have quickly realised the ease with which French soil is occupied and the feeble support given to the Breton nationalists by French public opinion. It is no longer necessary to favour Breton separatists by using them as a threat against the French nation. Henceforth they only tolerate Breton activities.

Yann Fouéré undertakes a reconnaissance journey. He draws up a “Projet de Statut” for Brittany and works towards creating a movement based on regional concerns, taking advantage of the political climate which could propel France in the direction of federalism, or at least towards a new regionalism. He is asked by Delaporte to become a member of a modified Kuzul Meur in order to coordinate their different roles: Fouéré the regionalist and Delaporte the separatist.

His position of civil servant on leave from the Ministry of the Interior draws the attention of the préfet for the Finisterre at the time, M.Georges, who offers him the post of sous-préfet for Morlaix. Rather than find himself obliged to take up a post in Vichy where the government is, the Breton militant accepts the post in Morlaix in October 1940.

At the same time he makes numerous contacts with a view to creating a newspaper that would advance a “provincialist” trend, directly in line with the project for the revival of the provinces as promised by Pétain. The margin for manoeuvre is a narrow one as neither Vichy nor the German authorities will tolerate a clearly “anti-French” project. Both Jacques Guillemot and Hervé Budes de Guébriant give their financial support for the future daily paper “La Bretagne”, with the latter arranging for the necessary authorisation from Vichy. Consequently,Yann Fouéré cannot avoid the intervention of the German press if he wishes to create his new newspaper.

Yann Fouéré’s days as acting sous-préfet quickly come to an end and the Ministry of the Interior summons him to Paris at the end of November. Soon afterwards, he makes a request for leave of absence which is ignored by the authorities. Finally, he decides to make the break: Yann Fouéré’s life is now devoted to the Breton cause and early in February 1941 he rejoins his wife in Rennes.

The newspaper “La Bretagne” is created there, in offices near the cathedral, and an agreement is reached for the printing of it with another daily paper, the “Ouest Éclair”. On Thursday 20th March, the first issue of “La Bretagne” goes on sale. It is publicised as “a daily paper safeguarding Breton interests” for a “prosperous and happy Breton province in a reformed France”. Yann Fouéré knows he cannot directly oppose Vichy. He applies the following tactic: “as Breton nationalism has resulted from the failure of the moderate Breton movement, the only solution is to grant the Bretons their legitimate claims”.

The many and various contributors to the newspaper include Ronan de Fréminville(alias Jean Merrien), the illustrator Xavier de Langlais and Yves Le Diberdier (alias Youenn Didro). ‘La Bretagne’ is, in Yann Fouéré’s own words, “vigorous and critical of central authority and of the Vichy administration”.

He gathers the support of numerous personalities and forms the “Comités des Amis de La Bretagne”, launching a campaign for the adoption by town councils of a proposal broadly based on the “Projet de Statut”: an administrative unity, an assembly composed of delegates from all the municipalities, from the Breton field of economics and from the professional and religious fields, together with the teaching of Breton language and the history of Brittany in all the teaching establishments of Brittany…

In autumn of 1941, “La Bretagne” finds itself in a difficult economic situation and its basic capital is melting away. The promised subsidy from Vichy is slow in materialising. Steps are taken to convert the daily into a weekly paper.

 In April 1942, as a result of a complex situation detailed in L’Histoire du Quotidien “La Bretagne…”, Victor Le Gorgeu’s position as Mayor of Brest is revoked and he is ordered to sell his majority shares in “La Dépêche”. These shares are subsequently purchased by “La Bretagne” and the editing team of “La Bretagne”  merges with that of “La Dépêche” in Morlaix.The pooling of resources reduces expenditure and balances the budget. Yann Fouéré also becomes political director of “La Dépêche” whilst Marcel Coudurier retains the financial responsibility of it and Joseph Martray later takes over as chief editor.

Benefiting from a circulation previously unheard of within the regionalist movement, both newspapers sell close to 100 000 copies a day between them and have become a force to be reckoned with. Yann Fouéré furthers his campaign for regional reform with the support of local committees of “Amis de La Bretagne” and lobbies for the replacement of the regional préfet Ripert who has made every effort to prevent this reform. Jean Quénette, Deputy for Lorraine, succeeds Ripert in May 1942 following changes in the Vichy government with the return of Pierre Laval. Laval favors the regionalists and “La Bretagne” is granted a subsidy from Vichy for its moderating role in Breton circles.

Vichy authorises the creation of a forum, the Comité Consultatif de Bretagne(CCB), with Yann Fouéré as general secretary (1942-44).

 

Official photo of the Comité Consultatif de Bretagne, meeting at Josselin Castle in July 1943. From left to right: Francis Even, Pierre Mocaer, abbé Mary, abbé J.M. Perrot, Cornon , Taldir, senateur Roger Grand, préfet Marage, R. de L’Estourbeillon, regional préfet Jean Quenette, A.Dezarrois (hidden behind the préfet), Mme la duchesse de Rohan, recteur Souriau, Prosper Jardin, Yann Fouéré, James Bouillé, professeur Guéguen, Mme Galbrun, Léon Le Berre, René Daniel, duc de Rohan, Joseph Martray(facing away), Florian Le Roy. 

The first of several preliminary meetings is held in Landerneau in July 1942. The following month, the regional préfet Jean Quénette receives a number of Breton personalities in Rennes in order to, “examine Breton aspirations and the means to satisfy them”. The préfet decides to introduce an optional Breton language course in the Breton Civil Service Exam program and to create a Breton Teachers training Institute. A number of Breton nationalists form part of the CCB officially inaugurated on the 11th October 1942 by the regional préfet. Although the CCB is considered to be an advisory body, its 22 members are hopeful that it will become a deliberating assembly on regional matters. In the meantime the CCB forms a Standing Commission to develop a number of cultural, linguistic and folklore initiatives.

Yann Fouéré, the coordinator, has to struggle against various central administrations which are resistant to any form of local emancipation. Nonetheless many initiatives are successful. In January 1943, the CCB presents the “Projet de Statut” for Brittany to the Vichy government. No reply is ever received from the Vichy authorities and the regional préfet Jean Quénette is transferred shortly after.

The Allied landing in Normandy brings the combat zone closer and Yann Fouéré, who divides his time between the family home in Rennes and the running of the newspaper in Morlaix, decides to evacuate his little family to Pacé. His wife and two children, Rozenn and Jean, set up camp in the assembly hall of the parish school.

After the Liberation, the CCB lost no time in placing itself at the disposal of the new authorities for the task of restoring an administrative structure. Alas, the new regional commissioner is none other than Victor Le Gorgeu, the ex-Mayor of Brest, who lost his shares in the publishing company of “La Dépêche”. At the end of June, the sale of both daily papers is suspended owing to the general disorganization and absence of a distribution system. The horizon now darkens for all Breton militants.

At the beginning of August, Victor Le Gorgeu orders the arrest of Yann Fouéré, taking revenge on the person he blames for the loss of his shares of “La Dépêche”. On the 10th August 1944,Yann Fouéré, the new “political internee”, is escorted to Rennes’ local police station and then taken to Jacques Cartier prison. He would be released a year later – to the day – in Chateaulin, south of Brest.

At the end of September 1944, the political prisoners in Jacques Cartier prison are transferred to the nearby Camp Marguerite where all of the administrative detainees of Ille et Vilaine and various other personalities, suspected of acts of collaboration, are assembled. On his arrival at Camp Marguerite, Yann Fouéré finds Jacques Guillemot and de Guébriant as well as the ex-regional préfet, Robert Martin. Many other Breton militants join them. In March 1945, he is transferred to the prison in Quimper, and finds “practically all the Finistere PNB branch members there”. Finally, shortly before the beginning of the investigations for his trial, he is transferred to the Pont-de-Buis internment camp, near Chateaulin. In July 1945 he requests,  and is granted release on bail on 10th August 1945.

The details of the Yann Fouéré trials of 1945-46 (and his later trial in 1955) are complex. A clear picture of events can only be obtained through a detailed and unbiased study of Yann Fouéré’s activities during the occupation and of the newspaper “La Bretagne”. The accounts published to date have been written by those directly involved. These include ”La Verité sur l’affaire de La Bretagne” compiled and distributed in 1946 by Les Amis et Défenseurs de Yann Fouéré, Henri Fréville’s account for the prosecution “La Presse dans la Tourmente(1940-46)” and, for the defence, Youenn Didro and Yann Fouéré’s “L’Histoire du quotidien La Bretagne et les silences d’Henri Freville” .

It is important to begin by studying the conditions surrounding the purges during that particular period of history when the meaning of Collaboration was defined. It is also helpful to read the work of historians or political scientists and examine the cultural and political context of that period in the history of France and her cultural minorities. The historian Peter Novik makes the following observation ” every French person, without even breaking existing laws, became guilty of an activity perceived as anti-national”.

Yann Fouéré was a committed regionalist who hoped the new régime would set in motion the politics of decentralistion. He confirms that he followed the path of political independence by facing up to the existence of Vichy and the German authorities. He believes it was not possible to publicly criticize those authorities and that he succeeded in avoiding subservience to those authorities by concentrating on subjects pertaining to Brittany and the Breton people. It was a matter of playing around with both the Vichy and the German censors. He was able to relegate the texts and notices imposed by the authorities to the inside pages and was, at one time, the only journalist who had managed to publish the Allies’ war communiqués until the German authorities intervened.

Only a thorough comparative study of the Breton dailies published during that period would succeed in establishing any responsibility for a possible excess of pro-Vichy or pro-German zeal. In Yann Fouéré’s trial, the research done by the examining magistrate in relation to “La Bretagne” covered the period from March 1941 until the Liberation. In relation to “La Dépêche”, only the period from April 1942 was covered, conveniently excluding the period when Le Gorgeu and Coudurier were in charge.

Le Gorgeu intends to recover his shares of “La Depeche”. Coudurier is determined to stay in charge of it. Yann Fouéré knows he is the target for Le Gorgeu and Coudurier. Everything Fouére owns is likely to be confiscated, including his shares of the two newspapers.

Yann Fouéré initiates his defence by testifying for Yves Le Diberder ( alias Youenn Dirdro), a journalist for “La Dépêche” and “La Bretagne”, at Le Diberdier’s trial in Rennes at the end of 1945. Le Diberdier is acquitted. Jean Fouéré Senior and Joseph Martray are acquitted in January 1946. The clemency of the judges rests on the fact that they have all worked for “La Dépêche” whose publishing company is acquitted of all responsibility, now back in the hands of Le Gorgeu. Yann Fouéré is relieved but, shortly before his trial, he is advised by others that he will be a victim of reasons of State and political bargaining. He hears that the charges against him are being modified and likely to incur a heavy sentence. Anxious to avoid a long imprisonment and on the advice of his lawyer, Jean-Louis Bertrand, he boards the early morning train for Paris on 16 February 1946, two days before his trial is due to begin.

Le Gorgeu’s functions as Regional Commissioner expire on the 31st March. Yann Fouéré’s trial is held in extremis on the 28th of March 1946, just two days before the end of Le Gorgeu’s term of office. Fouéré is condemned in absentia to penal servitude for life and to the seizure of all his assets.